The Blanket

The Blanket - A Journal of Protest & Dissent


Chris Fogarty
• 28 November 2005

The following is a paper I wrote and read to the Chicago Literary Club of which I've been a member for more than twenty years. The club is one of Chicago's very oldest; having been in continuous operation since its 1873 founding.

I wish it were otherwise, but as The Blanket readers will see, the US's vaunted "freedom" is utterly nonexistent for those of us suspected of supporting freedom for Occupied Ireland.

Feel free to provide The Blanket readers an accurate measure of the US gov't's support for democracy in Ireland by publishing this paper recounting our experiences. Far from being punished for their crimes against us (and later against Omagh with MI5), the Chicago FBI agents involved were never even prosecuted.

First, my thanks to members who prevailed upon me to deliver this paper instead of the one I was contemplating. Also, thanks to Dr. Maher and a fellow member for their counsel.


Back in 1999 in this club, John Wilson delivered his inspiring paper; “The Importance of a Hat.” It related how, in the First Congress in 1789, some members were ridiculing James Madison’s article on freedom of opinion, and how Congressman Page saved the day by reminding his colleagues of “The Man and His Hat,” an evocation of a trial 119 years earlier. Our Constitution’s amendments were thus saved, because Page’s congressional colleagues were still familiar with the core issue, whether William Penn was legally bound to “don and doff” his hat upon demand of a Crown government officer. Thus John Wilson’s paper in 1999 celebrated the series of inalienable rights against corrupt authority which was first established by the jurors at William Penn’s trial and affirmed by Congressman Page in that first U.S. Congress of 1789.

In highlighting the genesis of our Bill of Rights, Mr. Wilson’s paper also provided a basis for celebrating what made America great. William Penn’s, and thus our nation’s, victory over tyranny seemed permanent. We’ll see. While we celebrate our then-budding nation’s freedoms, note that Penn did not deny the Crown’s accusations. The Crown government, though a tyranny, was not so criminally tyrannical as to attempt to, say, rid itself permanently of the pesky Penn by falsely charging him with capital crimes, nor did it fabricate evidence or commit perjury against him. Even under that admittedly tyrannical Crown system, Penn was vindicated by a jury self-confident enough and already sufficiently free to find in his favor. Keep that in mind while contemplating the following, which is true in all details.


FBI agent Joseph Doyle phoned me. We had been schoolmates in Castlerea, Co. Roscommon and only in recent years had we reestablished contact and met a few times. “Chris: Joe Doyle here.” “ Joe; How’ve you been? Where are you.” “We must talk.” “We’re talking, Joe.” “Not over the phone.” “Well, stop by. Do you have my address?” “I can’t talk there either.” “Well; what do you suggest?” “Meet me at the Golden Flame restaurant on the Northwest side tomorrow at 11:00 a.m. It’s on Higgins a few blocks east of Harlem. The coffee shop.” “OK; seeya. ‘Bye.”
The next morning (Sunday) Joe wasted no time. He told Mary and me that our lives were in danger. I told him we had no enemies. He then described how some of his fellow agents had been bribed and subverted by MI5 (Britain’s equivalent of our FBI) and were about to “take us out” by means of MI5 “dirty tricks.” Mary and I were mystified and quizzed Joe for about an hour. In previous months we had managed to run down a series of slanders to their FBI source, but we couldn’t believe the FBI would commit serious crimes, especially for MI5. He described the subversion in detail. MI5’s invitations to “professional seminar” junkets in London were posted on the Chicago FBI bulletin board. He described the scorn most of his junketing fellow agents directed towards their MI5 hosts upon departing London. Some agents took second and third junkets. They were the ones who had “flipped” and were now planning to “take us out.”

Hearing nothing from Joe about the action he was taking I said “Joe; you’re in law enforcement; we’re not. What steps are you taking?” He answered; “None; there is nothing I can do about it.” “Joe; you swore to uphold the Constitution at all times.”

He answered, “It’s all happening over my head.” He would not explain further. I changed the subject and he began recounting how the last shots in Ireland’s War of Independence were fired by his father and uncle.

On our way home later Mary and I agreed. Joe somehow had it wrong. We were certain that, despite the FBI’s wrongful attribution of British terrorism to the IRA, the FBI was not a criminal organization, much less the treasonous one Joe described. We also noted his dubious grasp of his own oath of office. As we drove home we still felt safe but I wondered about my old buddy Joe, and why he, an FBI agent, exhibited greater fear of the FBI than anyone I’d ever seen before. He later proved too fearful of them to testify that he had warned us.


Seven weeks later on April 21, 1990, in Winnetka, Richard and Nancy Langert and their unborn child were murdered in their townhouse. (Appendix A) Nancy knew her murderer, sixteen-year-old neighbor David Biro. The families were friends; their fathers had been co-workers. While falling to the floor in her basement, shot twice, Nancy knocked down a bookshelf. Her handcuffed husband was already dead. As she lay dying she dipped her fingers into her pooling blood and on that shelf wrote her murderer’s name.

The next morning Nancy’s father discovered the bodies. The police arrived and then assembled at the police station across the Metra bridge from the murder scene. There each officer wrote names of possible suspects on index cards. Upon inspection, the cards contained only one name, “Biro,” and that was before the message on the shelf was noticed. Biro was a disturbed 16-year-old with a police record, and officer Caldwell had seen him near the crime scene at about 9 p.m. on the night of the murders. Biro had expressed his ambition to become a professional hit man. He had a lawyer defending him in two cases of shooting persons with his BB gun, and he had poisoned the milk in his family’s refrigerator. Biro’s sartorial statement was his long black overcoat. About the time of the murders, a thin young man in a long black overcoat had purchased two pairs of handcuffs at the local hardware store and was observed testing them before departing. Biro had fraudulently applied for an Illinois Firearms Owner I.D. but his mother intercepted it when it arrived in the mail. From Biro’s bedroom window his victims’ house is within view, and the Winnetka police station is midway between them. Despite all this, on April 23 Carol Marin reported on prime-time network TV that the IRA was linked to the murders.

Biro murdered the Langerts on April 21 but aided by such allies he remained at large until October 5, when the Winnetka police arrested him. His friends told the police of his next plan which was to rob the local bank and murder its entire staff. In Biro’s bedroom the police found FBI agent Lewis’s 357 Magnum, the murder weapon. Despite agent Buckley’s insistence (until the police arrested Biro) that Nancy’s bloody message spelled “IRA,” the jurors were eventually quoted as saying that it was those same letters that convinced them. They convicted Biro of two counts of murder, one of Class X home invasion, and one of intentional homicide of an unborn child. He is in downstate Pontiac serving a life sentence without possibility of parole. I am grateful to Biro. You will soon understand why.


The Langert murder case facts include the following. About a year later, during our defense against a second series of FBI crimes (of which more, later), our attorneys received an anonymous tip, said to be from the Winnetka police, directing them to the Langert murder investigation files in its police station. Our attorneys photocopied an investigation report that framed me. (Appendix B) From April 23 when the Winnetka police named Biro their sole suspect until October 4 when they re-took control of the case, FBI agent Patrick “Ed” Buckley, controlled it. As head of the Chicago FBI’s “Irish Terrorism Unit,” he prohibited the police from further investigating Biro and sent them in pursuit of others, especially the IRA. During those five months Buckley covered for Biro while he was framing me for Biro’s murders.

Meanwhile, Agent Lewis was violating FBI regulations by never reporting her gun, the murder weapon, missing. Her husband, John Lewis, who was Biro’s attorney on prior shooting charges never reported her gun missing from his office desk drawer despite Biro having made good on his threat to break into the office to retrieve his fraudulent Firearms Owner I.D, which his mother had given to Lewis for safekeeping. Lewis had taken Biro’s threat seriously enough to hire an off-duty cop who installed a security defense of his office; but Biro broke through it. Buckley decided that Nancy Langert’s dying message spelled “IRA.” On the evening of his first day on the case he or a colleague got Carol Marin to issue the false “breaking news” of an “IRA link” to those murders. The rest of the news media parroted Marin for months. (Having failed to reach Ms Marin that night I did query her the following day as to her report’s source, to which she replied “the FBI.” When I asked whether she had verified it before going public, she replied; “No.” I then asked if reporters aren’t obligated to verify such significant news, to which she replied by hanging up.) Marin never did issue a correction or apology but has nevertheless become the designated “conscience” of Chicago journalism.

Meanwhile, Biro was blabbing, with impunity, through his FBI cover that spring and summer. He conducted tours of the crime scene. But, for his next murders, two of his friends informed the police, on October 4. The police kept Agent Buckley and the FBI out of it, and arrested Biro themselves. Biro pleaded innocent, but the ballistics forensics of his (FBI) gun and the bloody shelf proved irrefutable. To the jury, Nancy Langert’s dying message spelled “BIRO;” not “IRA” as Buckley had insisted. I had never heard of Biro or of his victims prior to the news of the murders, but we had met Mrs. Langert’s sister, Jeanne Bishop, who assisted the Bryn Mawr PA based American Protestants for Truth About Ireland. That work, which benefited the Occupied Irish and exposed British terrorism, was twisted by MI5/FBI Agent Buckley into a scenario in which the IRA, enraged somehow by Jeanne’s work, had mistakenly killed her sister instead of her.

Buckley’s long-time mudslinger began to label me an “IRA hit-man.” Buckley or a colleague loitered in the lobby of my building telling the doorman and others that the chief suspect of the Winnetka massacre is a resident and naming me to them. At about 6 a.m., before I left for work, on June 1, 1990 two of Buckley’s collaborators, north-suburban police officers John Fay and Kevin Keel, phoned from the lobby and asked to see me. To preclude further scandal in the lobby I allowed them to come up to my condo. I gave them copies of the undisputed listing of homicides in the current Anglo-Irish conflict to disabuse them of the underlying MI5/FBI falsehood regarding the identity of the terrorists. (Appendix C, a sample) The previous day, by faxed letter to Detective Fay, I had objected to the abetting of the murderer of the Langerts and keeping the murderer at large by using that atrocity as a political weapon against me on behalf of their British handlers. Fay denied having received my letter, but nearly two years later the Winnetka police handed a stamped copy of it to our attorneys. (Appendix D) The report of their June 1 visit is signed and dated June 5. (Appendix E) In it “my” own words incriminate me. But Buckley didn’t charge me – not yet. There is no statute of limitations on murder, and fading memories favor false prosecutions. Also, Biro’s blabbing was becoming a major problem. It eventually wrecked Buckley’s attempt to frame me.


FBI agent Buckley also hired a Bostonian, John Tuttle, and brought him to Chicago to join our Friends of Irish Freedom (FOIF). The FOIF had led human rights campaigns one of which resulted in the enactment in Illinois, Cook County, City of Chicago jurisdictions and ultimately Washington D.C. of the MacBride Principles for Fair Employment in Northern Ireland. It mandated that the twenty-five US companies operating in Occupied Ireland abide by U.S. standards of fairness and not participate in the British policy of denial of jobs to the Occupied Irish. The Occupied Irish had won the right to vote in 1973 after a bloodily suppressed five-year campaign, and the Crown government responded by promoting a job denial policy to force them into exile and thus off the voter rolls.

We allowed Tuttle to join us despite knowing that the Boston FOIF had expelled his father for promoting the acquisition of guns at three successive meetings there. John seemed well-behaved until our November 10, 1991 meeting. My Mary was keeping minutes of the meeting. She rose and sat beside me to point to her notepad where she had written; “Watch Tuttle.” I glanced over and observed Tuttle aiming at our chairman something concealed under his coat. Fearing it was a gun, I instantly reached over and deflected his aim downward (while thinking “How am I going to explain this?”). But I felt a hard object which I had difficulty securing. I stood up and, using my miniature Swiss Army knife, cut his coat lining and removed a heavy metal object I took to be some sort of machine pistol, breaking wires in the process. This strange object alarmed us as did Tuttle’s refusal to explain. After examining it for a few minutes we left. While leaving we passed close to an incoming group of heavily-armed men dressed in sweat suits. One had a Belfast accent. They didn’t identify themselves but shouted; “Where’s Tuttle.” While driving home and looking for a squad car to flag down, we turned back to our meeting place to find out what had happened. We learned that the invaders identified themselves as FBI agents. We went home pondering the conundrum of calling the police on the FBI. For our safety I spent much of the night typing and faxing the event’s details to Chicago newspapers. They ignored the facts and printed FBI falsehoods, instead. Tuttle father and son proved to be occasional law-breakers in the FBI’s pay.


The following morning, November 11, FBI agents burst into our home. They pointed guns at Mary and me. One agent searched our home while the others roughed me up, forced me to get dressed, and handcuffed us. They “perp-walked” us through our building’s main entrance and drove us to FBI headquarters. Meanwhile, other agents were arresting fellow members Frank O’Neill and Tony McCormick. They booked and incarcerated us in the Federal Correctional Facility at Clark and VanBuren. At the end of the third day we were freed after a cliff-hanger of a bond hearing. My Mary had hunger-struck the whole time.

Thus began U.S. Case 91CR911 by which means MI5/FBI planned to imprison us for many years. Agent Buckley’s perjuries began during our bond hearing in front of Magistrate Pallmeyer. His testimony was contradicted later by the undoctored parts of his own evidentiary tape. At that bond hearing Attorneys Ted Stein and David Thomas represented us well and succeeded in releasing us, an indispensable prerequisite to our current unimprisoned status. Bonds were set at $50,000 ($5,000 cash) for Mary, the deed to O’Neill’s house for him, $1,000 cash for McCormick and $100,000 ($10,000 cash) for me. Though all four of us were charged with the same two offenses Magistrate Pallmeyer ordered us each to get a separate attorney. Upon release, my first mission was to find legal representation – Law Professor David Thomas for Mary, pro bono Attorneys Joseph Linklater with Tom Cushing for Tony McCormick, William Postl Murphy (engaged to replace non-performing Attorney Ann Burke) for Frank O’Neill, and Attorneys Patrick Tuite with Brent Stratton for me. Ex-Prosecutor Dan Webb agreed to assign Attorney Peter McCabe to William Murphy on a pro bono basis. All performed in exemplary fashion and all agreed to conduct our defense so as to position us for our future case against the FBI for damages.


A few days later, on November 16, fifteen FBI agents raided our home in ostensible search for Mary’s nonexistent “scanner.” (Appendix F) They terrorized us with guns, forced us into a corner, and ransacked our home for seven hours searching for “Mary’s scanner.” They prohibited us from phoning an attorney for approximately an hour. They removed cartloads of our property, repeatedly commenting as to how interested the IRS would be in it. They returned it; or much of it a year later. They ransacked medicine cabinets, aspirin bottles, my library, and business and personal correspondence of thirty years. They vandalized our furniture and erased my computer records. They all wore mountain climbing boots. One ponders the FBI mind; hmm, 15th floor, some 150 feet above grade, and Chicago’s datum grade some 500 feet above mean low water in New York harbor. They answered our complaints by brandishing their guns. They had tapped our phone. Through Discovery, the FBI released to our attorneys a transcript of a strangely covert phone call Tuttle had made to me at my home phone.


A Belfast woman to whom we had donated a quickly-disassembleable wheelchair told us by phone that she was mailing photos of herself in the wheelchair for use as evidence in our trial. The FBI must have been still tapping our phone because within days Barbara Kirby, our building’s Postal Service letter-carrier, informed us that the FBI had just visited our local post office, ordered its staff to hold our mail for the FBI, and threatened to prosecute anyone who informed us. Our potentially-crucial defense evidence never did arrive to us but a tracer-attempt did.


Were we poor, we’d have gone straight from jail to trial to prison, but much of our life’s savings went to pay attorneys who managed to get us out on bail and then saved us by getting a copy of the FBI’s main evidence; an audiotape. We then proved that a) most of the tape’s contents had been excised, after which, b) the FBI recorded new words onto the tape to cunningly conceal their excisions and splicings, and then copied it onto another tape which they presented as the original! (Appendix G) Upon motion by our lawyers, Federal Judge George Lindberg ordered the FBI to take their original back-up tape to a court-appointed sound engineering laboratory for authentication. The resultant report (Appendix H) shows that the FBI had submitted a “doctored” copy; not the court-ordered original.


During the fifteen months between our arrests and the conclusion of the case, FBI agent Buckley was kept busy by his agent provocateur No. 2 and sole witness, John Tuttle. The nice quiet Tuttle, who had attended a few of our book sales and meetings, evidently took full advantage of his status as a government agent. Buckley had to visit many city and suburban police stations, obstructing justice by flashing his FBI badge to spring Tuttle. Along with various traffic arrests were cases in which Tuttle broke the noses of two different women; one with his fist and another in a DUI crash. Ultimately in federal court Agent Buckley told the Judge that the last he had heard from his witness was from a Minnesota lock-up for having crashed another car that he had stolen in Chicago.


Other Discovery documentation included evidence of “$4,000 to IRA” (in Mary’s handwriting) from our Harris Bank account. It failed to note that the transfer was dated April 14, the day before Tax Day and it went into our IRAs (Individual Retirement Accounts) in the same bank.


It was titled “…Motion for Evidentiary Hearing to Determine Whether the FBI’s Purported Original Tape Recording of the 11/10/91 FOIF Meeting is Authentic.” (Appendix I) It was filed on January 13, 1993. On January 15, US Prosecutor James Fleissner responded by successfully pleading Judge George Lindberg to allow him to abandon all charges against us. Thus we escaped the usual (for “IRA suspects”) doubling of the four and a half years of wrongful imprisonment that MI5/FBI had so meticulously planned for us. The official records raise questions about the Prosecutor’s complicity in the cover-up. I later wrote to Judge Lindberg demanding that he uphold the laws that the FBI violated in his courtroom; that he do so by notifying the proper law enforcement agency of those violations. In a non sequitur letter of reply (Appendix J) he stated that as a judge he was not allowed to make arrests. My follow-up letter pointed out that I had never asked him to arrest anyone but had demanded, and I now demanded again (Appendix K) that he fulfill his legal obligation to report the crimes perpetrated in his courtroom. He never replied to that second letter.


FBI threats continued as Agent Russell told our friends that “Fogarty is a bad actor;” and that they “discovered shoeboxes full of cash under Fogarty’s bed.” (belied by the FBI’s own search inventory). MI5/FBI demonstrated their criminal malice by simultaneously framing Mary and me as “IRA terrorists” while equally falsely naming us as “Protected FBI Witnesses” in a “federal immunity certificate” (Appendix L) which they fabricated and which their mole published in a three-part series in a subversive Chicago newspaper named The Lumpen Times. (Appendix M) >From there FBI operative Jerry Boyle et al tried unavailingly to springboard it into the Irish Echo newspaper. (Appendix N). It labels Mary and me “FBI covert operatives working to destroy Chicago’s Irish Liberation movement.” The FBI also collaborated in the paperback “I Am Cain.” (Appendix A) in which FBI moles are presented as their opposites. They continue to smear me (I’m named “Haggerty” in it) while making their No. 1 agent provocateur (Maureen O’Looney) seem cannily wary of the FBI. “I Am Cain” further burnishes O’Looney’s Irish republican credentials by falsely stating, on page 113, that her father was killed by British soldiers. “I Am Cain” consistently fabricates to exculpate the FBI. For example, BIRO has four letters; but the book states that the dying message was comprised of three letters while a photo of a conjured-up “[Heart] U” in the book shockingly misrepresents Ms. Langert’s actual message, as does the cunningly saccharine text that bolsters the fake photo.


The IRS joined in MI5/FBI crimes against us. It demanded payment totaling some $65,000 due to my having “failed to pay” IRS taxes on my IRS-exempt El Salvador-earned-and-taxed salaries of 1981 and 82. Eventually an honest IRS agent Kasha informed me that a group within the IRS was targeting me but that he would not participate in their crimes. He went and got a copy of the IRS booklet for 1981-82 (I still have it) that had guided me and my employer at that time. He pointed out where it exempted the salaries of US citizens working in El Salvador those two years. In minutes under his direction I filled in a new IRS 1040 for 1981. He said he would forward it for me, and when I had received the due reimbursement in about six weeks to again visit him and he would similarly help me fill in the form for 1982. I followed up on that claim for reimbursement but it had evidently gone into the same gang’s hands. After a few months Mr. Kasha went on sick leave and never returned. The IRS kept what they had robbed of me. They later informed me that they were settling my case by keeping what they had extracted from me but would not pursue the rest of their claim. The IRS’s criminal FBI involvement confirms what many attorneys cite as their basis for fearing to take our damages case.


We sought justice up the chain of command of the Justice Department. In response to our urgent request Janet Reno didn’t arrange for an investigator or prosecutor to review the rest of our evidence or interview us. Instead she stonewalled, directing us to send our evidence to the FBI, which had already investigated itself and found itself innocent. (Appendix O) We sent the same material to John Ashcroft the day he became USAG but he never did reply. We then placed our hopes in Ashcroft’s replacement, but before Alberto Gonzales was sworn in as USAG we were familiar with his torture memos, so we decided to not seek justice through him.


Despite our attorneys’ assurances that they would take our case against the FBI for damages, all of them later proved unwilling to do so. To our horrified disbelief, they refused our case by claiming that FBI crimes are immune, above the law, and that no workable legal mechanism exists to either prosecute FBI crimes or to get compensation for their victims. (Appendix P) Ultimately no lawyer was available, so I took the case, pro se, to federal court. Judge Wayne Andersen presided. At the first preliminary hearing I told him that though so many of the lawyers and law firms had told me my case would never see justice, that I could not believe them. The record will show that I said I have faith in America and its courts and that, despite the opinion of Chicago’s legal establishment, I felt certain of justice if a jury got to judge the evidence. When Judge Andersen replied that he would help me to get the evidence in front of a jury, I thanked him. On the third preliminary hearing, without ever getting the promised jury or my evidence in front of it, Judge Andersen proved Chicago’s legal establishment right. He dismissed my case in response to a defense motion that the nineteen summonses might be invalid in that the FBI’s in-house legal counsel may not have been on duty when he accepted them on behalf of the FBI agent/defendants. When I countered by asking that the payroll records be checked to see if he had been on duty at the time, Andersen threatened to have me arrested.


Chicago news editors abetted the crimes by reporting as news MI5/FBI smears against us while they refused and still refuse to report the truth about them. A half hour before the final hearing we visited the press room where the Trib’s Matt O’Connor refused our pleas to walk the few steps along the Dirksen Building corridor to Judge Lindberg’s courtroom to observe and report the formal exposé of the FBI’s fabrication. The case against us was about to be demolished. The Trib then “reported” our vindication by repeating the original FBI charges without mentioning that they were fabricated. Months later, in preparing to feature our case in the Chicago Tribune Sunday magazine, Editor Gosselin insisted for days that we accept being photographed in a bar; though three of the four of us eschew alcohol. Two, Mary and Frank, are even life-long teetotalers. Mr. Gosselin refused me a pre-publication truth-check of his article; but did promise that he would publish my post-publication correction, if any – a promise he later broke, so that his falsehoods never were corrected. His “in-depth” feature article, supposedly about FBI crimes, was headed “Terrorists or Bar Room Patriots?”, as if it were written by MI5. (Appendix Q)


FBI agent Joe Doyle: twice alerted us of his colleagues’ criminal plans despite his fear of them.

Mary O’Sullivan, my wife: she was never defeated even by the FBI’s most frightening crimes and never acquiesced to law enforcement’s refusal to uphold the law for us nor to the news media’s refusals to report the crimes perpetrated against us. Nor did she lose patience with my long-held belief in the ultimate integrity of the legal system. She would smile pityingly at me when, twice weekly for a few years, like Charlie Brown and the football, I would arrive home assuring her that this time I’d just found the lawyer or law firm that grasped the details of our case and was definitely going to represent us. In every case they soon begged off on mostly dubious bases. It was difficult to believe the few who claimed that lawyers had met violent deaths while exposing FBI crimes, but we felt obligated to confirm the many claims that the FBI uses the IRS to destroy people.

Atty. Peter McCabe: he worked so assiduously to save us when the crimes seemed invincible.

Letter-Carrier Barbara Kirby: she risked her livelihood and the wrath of the FBI by standing up for the law. (Appendix R)

Atty. Jeffery Urdangen: he was the only lawyer willing to represent us of the seventy or eighty we contacted to take our damages case against the FBI. But when his usual partner, Northwestern University Professor Larry Marshall proved unavailable he, too, declined.


On January 9, 1997, Joe Doyle re-contacted me. (Appendix S) He warned me that the FBI might kill me if I continue to expose their crimes. I phoned the Chicago police and two officers visited us. Upon learning the details and reviewing the evidence of the FBI’s previous crimes one officer stated “The FBI are worse than the old KGB but there’s nothing we can do about them. All we can do, and will do, is to increase the frequency of police patrols around this building.” Mary and I tend to believe that this public reading will not further incite MI5/FBI to murder me or both of us, but will provide a measure of safety by fingering them a priori.


Much if not all of our national self-perception is derived from long-ago events such as those celebrated in that heartening paper delivered here in 1999. What to do? Shall we try to warm ourselves by the dying embers of 1670 and 1789 and Abe Lincoln and tell ourselves that all is well, or shall we undertake the dangerous duty of restoring our republic and its laws? I will continue to save Mr. Wilson’s great paper. I also request that you all contemplate the significance of this paper: In our nation’s time of fear and widespread cowardice while sections of our government are headed by criminals, this documented paper constitutes a current status report of our republic. Further, I believe that if you and other Americans face the contents of this paper and all it imparts with a fraction of the courage and patriotism that Mary and I have summoned, these injuries to our republic will be redressed.


Prior to Agent Buckley’s felony crimes against us, his No.1 agent provocateur (Maureen O’Looney) labeled me a “Moonie.” Later, the smear changed to “de-frocked priest,” which in turn was abandoned in favor of “CIA agent” and “IRA hit-man.” The latest smear is “zealot” and “abrasive.” I’ve made my living in the highly litigious field of construction contracting without ever litigating; perhaps a unique record of fairness and reason. Yet, there is an effort to convert MI5/FBI/IRS crimes into evidence of my zealotry and abrasiveness. The P.R. effort also abets the criminals by referring to their crimes as “mistakes;” saying that mistakes are to be expected, that law enforcement, the federal bench and the news media are composed of humans subject to human error. None of the crucial actions covered above were errors. They constitute an ongoing reign of British State terrorism in the U.S. criminally executed by U.S. agents with impunity. How far we have fallen from the patriotism of 1670 and 1789, and 1865 and 1945!


Had Agent Buckley been prosecuted for his MI5/FBI crimes in Chicago twenty-nine innocents murdered in Omagh could well be alive today. A few years later, on behalf of his MI5 handlers, Buckley went to Ireland with his No. 4 agent provocateur, David Rupert, a fellow career criminal. The criminal pattern MI5/FBI established in the Langert case was duplicated in Omagh, but successfully. Immediately after the blast that killed the twenty-nine, MI5 e-mailed Rupert in Ireland. They ordered him to not discuss Omagh with anybody, especially not with the Irish police, and to leave instantly for MI5 HQ in England. They advised him that his tickets awaited him at Belfast Airport. After an impoverished life of scam and serial bankruptcies Rupert finally hit the jackpot. Upon his initiating an exposé lawsuit against the FBI, the FBI rehired him, and he received some $3,000,000 from MI5/FBI while the IRS accepted $25,000 in full payment of a $750,000 IRS tax claim against him for funds he embezzled from a Detroit trucking company owner. In 2003 in Dublin’s Special Criminal Court we saw MI5/FBI succeed legally in what they failed at in the Langert atrocity. Agent Buckley was there closely collaborating with the same MI5 agents to whom, in Federal court in Chicago, he had denied any connection.

These crimes were perpetrated to stop us from fulfilling our duties as citizens. Anyone left with the sense that we must have been doing something illegal to incur the wrath of MI5 and the FBI, please ask yourselves: Had we actually committed crimes wouldn’t the FBI charge us accordingly instead of framing us? The truth is that, by their three series of coordinated crimes against us, MI5/FBI/IRS demonstrate the absence of any lawful basis for their actions. FIN


© 2005 Chris Fogarty, For documentation beyond Appended A though S herewith reach Mary and me at





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