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On
August 29th 2002 a representative meeting took place
in central Belfast. Within the twenty five persons
in attendance sat members of the leadership of the
Irish Congress Of Trade Unions (ICTU) and persons
of its Northern Committee, leading figures of the
North's most infuential and active socialist organizations,
leading members of differing left republican organizations
and groups, leading community activists within both
loyalist and republican areas, well known trade union
and left wing activists from 'both communities' amongst
others. It was in that particular context an unprecedented
meeting in relation to our recent conflict. The meeting
itself was open and fraternal with an attempt of understanding
of various shades of opinion.
As
the meeting progressed it became increasingly apparent
that although we had ideological differences there
was both a feeling of wanting something to come out
of the meeting and a consensus for further development.
I raised initially the prospect of practical collectiveness
combined with discussion in part to develop understanding
of differences and also the need to attempt to facilitate
debate on important political questions. While listening
to the speakers, firstly from the loyalist community,
then from the republican community you would at times
have been hard pressed to find a difference in their
words. The discussion over Private Finance Initiative
(PFI) and Public Private Partnership (PPP) the coming
water charges, housing, health, education and the
centre-right agenda of the four main parties, from
the DUP to Sinn Fein embracing, endorsing and implementing
anti-working class policies, found agreement and acknowledgement
of the assembley's centre right direction. A consensus
was formed on a number of issues with a second meeting
- allowing time for the formulation of a document.
Although
similar initiatives may in the past have been tried,
this meeting though comes against the back-drop of
strikes against low pay and walkouts against sectarianism
in recent times with no doubt more to come. It also
comes against the back-drop of wider developments
within the trade unions in Britain and political developments
internationally including the formation of the Social
Forums. What was most interesting for myself was the
common bond of wanting to both fight for working class
issues and against anti-working class legislation,
with an understanding of collectivity giving us strength.
Each of us had and do see similar problems faced in
our own communities such as lack of resources, housing,
facilities with continual socio-economic deprivation,
all of course combined with privatization and the
neo-liberal agenda pushed by the centre-right assembly.
This meeting was an initial understanding and exploration
which had both unanimity and consensus that it be
developed.
Many
of the issues raised reminded me of my first visit
for political reasons into a loyalist area while canvassing
for the Socialist Environmental alliance (SEA), my
first real experience of talking and engaging with
'this tradition' which helped me develop an initial
hands on practical understanding of the perception
held by some of such communities. Below I will reprint
an article I wrote in the Irish News reflecting
on my experience at the time as such similar thoughts
were raised at the meeting:
'As
a person born into a working class republican estate,
I recently had the opportunity of canvassing for
the elections in working class loyalist estates.
There I witnessed immense socio-economic deprivation
in estates such as Annadale, similar to the Twinbrook
estate in which I lived for a number of years. It
differed only by the flags, murals and curbstone
colour, with many feeling the same sense of alienation
from society as could be found in many other such
estates whatever the 'tradition'. It was not the
flag issue in many cases which was the burning question
in the daily lives of the community but issues of
such gravity as putting a regular dinner on the
table or clothes on their kids' backs, with other
points such as education, health and unemployment
being voiced - in fact all such issues raised in
any such working class estate. It became evident
that although we are constantly told huge divisions
exist through religion an ever growing divide is
becoming more apparent, that between the 'haves'
and the 'have nots' where little notice has been
taken or wanted to be acknowledged by some leaders
of their 'said traditions'. These are the same leaders
within both communities who raise flags for self
worth or use tradition to try and subdue alienation.
But this does little for the daily grinding poverty
and destitution or the ever present vicious circle
of debt and danger. As a booklet written by North
and West Belfast women against poverty stated 'poverty
does not recognize religious or identity related
boundaries'. While our politicians talk of representing
both communities and equality based agendas, it
is important that this equality should not only
be politically or representatively addressed but
should also not recognize religious or identity
related boundaries in relation to social and economic
conditions which have existed and need to be challenged,
with monies channeled to such areas of need. The
coming years should see our elected politicians
address such issues as housing, health and education
where the implementation should not be at the call
of big business and profit, but fully funded public
concerns with the interest on people's need. Poverty
like the whole history of political, social and
economic discrimination is becoming concretized,
with superiority and 'illusions of' - once vastly
afforded to one section of our community through
priority jobs and housing becoming ever more visible.
As traditional manufacturing and the old yards go
into decline, the attempt to keep reality hidden
as likened with 'differing traditions estates' through
increased bunting, flags, murals and endless marching
seemed quite at odds with itself as I stood on the
doorsteps of Annadale flats. Some who I spoke to
had a firm understanding of their situation and
agreed that many of the main politicians had for
years talked their talk but it was time that not
'both traditions' but one working class tradition
should make our voice heard and campaign on the
real issues and for real equality'.
I
found at that meeting key activists who for many years
have been working within their particular parties,
organizations, unions and campaigns for the betterment
of their areas and fields of work in relation to working
people. Yet as how I finished that article in the
Irish News - which was one of the first articles
I ever wrote - that rather than two traditions we
are in fact one. It is though when we have the collectiveness
of that one tradition, that of the working class in
which we can begin to effect change for our own peoples.
Those who sat at the meeting may not agree ideologically
with each other but through dialogue we may initially
begin to understand each other better. But as importantly
we found common threads of practical collectiveness,
so while through discussion on political questions
such a group could begin to bring about pressure and
mobilizations against the neo liberal, anti working
class, centre right governance of the Assembly. For
lest we forget the DUP, Sinn Fein, UUP and the SDLP
may be in disagreement about flags and emblems, but
by hell they are in regimental uniformity when it
comes to legislative and implimentative attacks on
both working class people their communities and their
services. Is it not time that we had such practical
collectiveness of opposition?
The
author, a member of the Socialist Workers Party, is
writing in a personal capacity. He does not present
his views as being representative of the other participants
at the meeting he referred to.
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